vendredi 14 août 2015

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST CONGA PROJECT, AN EMBLEMATIC CASE OF RESISTANCE TO LARGE-SCALE MINING IN PERU.

 
 

Introduction.
The fight against Conga project has become the most emblematic struggle against a mining project, emblematic by the determination and courage of a population that has resisted and continues to resist for years and years against an all powerful company called Yanacocha . Emblematic, too, by the sum of socio-environmental liabilities that caused this company Yanacocha. Before getting into the thick of things, I would put the problem of extractivism in Peru in its global context both political and economic.
Until the 80s, the majority of Peruvians living from agriculture, today at least 30% of Peruvians still live of agriculture, yet this does not appear in the balance of the Peruvian foreign trade, because it is or subsistence agriculture or agriculture intended to supply local or sometimes national markets. The large monocultures for export yet don't represent an important line in the Peruvian economy. The financial data of Peruvian exports in 2014, according to the ministry of foreign trade, speak for themselves, the mining sector accounts for 55%, oil and oil products 13%, agricultural exports do not exceed 2%, here we see a first paradox, mining accounts for 55% of exports and only 4% of employment.
Peru's economic history since independence has been marked by the "boom" in the nineteenth century, the first boom was the guano boom, the coast of Peru, by the presence of the Humboldt current, it has always been an extremely rich in plankton and consequently in fish and seabirds that produce this fertilizer rich in phosphate. Later in the same nineteenth century came the "boom" of saltpeter (nitrate of potassium) that it was essential for the production of explosives and bullets, was mainly the saltpeter that led to the war with Chile or Pacific War, in which Peru lost part of its southern coast and Bolivia its access to the sea. In the early twentieth century the rubber boom began which caused irreparable damage to the Amazonian native peoples who were enslaved and massacred, according to historians over 100,000 perished in the time of the rubber boom. Now we live the mining boom. It’s this series of booms that made the great fortunes of Peru, a rich urban upper class, who lives essentially in Lima and who lives totally disconnected from the rest of the Peruvian people. For this urban bourgeoisie living from extractive income or related services, the hinterland is a mere source of raw material that wants to exploit regardless of human or environmental consequences.
A long digression, however, in my opinion, necessary to understand the global economic and political context of the conflicts in Peru, ie, a high Lima bourgeoisie of whom come the senior officials of the state apparatus (police, army, ministers, justice and even the Church itself), allied for interest, with foreign companies that bring financial investments and technology required for the operations. In front of this power at once political, economic and military , native peoples and peasants of Peru who must defend their land to survive, a fight apparently rather uneven and that will require courage and determination.
THE YANACOCHA COMPANY AND THE CONGA PROJECT.
LOCATION
Location of Yanacocha mine and the Conga project in the department of Cajamarca in northern Peru
DATA
Shareholders of the company Yanacocha:
Yanacocha's capital is held by three entities, the US mining Newmont Corporation, based in Denver Colorado with 51.35%, the Peruvian mining company Minera Condesa SA (family Buenaventura) based in Lima with 43.65% and the World Bank (International Finance Corporation) with 5%.
The Yanacocha mine
The name "Yanacocha" or the "black lagoon" comes from the name of a lagoon, now disappeared, which existed in the area occupied by the mine.
 

This picture went around the world and summarizes alone and more than a long speech, what are the impacts of open-pit mine.
For 20 years (from 1994 until 2014), the Yanacocha mine produced 27 million ounces of gold, representing 840 tons, more than all gold mined in Peru since the conquest until 1990. The three shareholders, Newmont, Buenaventura and the World Bank have won $ 16 billion. For Peru, are 30,000 hectares of wet meadows, wetlands and lakes that disappeared forever, thousands of dispossessed peasants of their livelihood and condemned to poverty, thousands of farmers who cannot sell their products because of the contamination, thousands people who already have or will suffer from serious problems of health from the effects of such mining activity. To produce these 840 tons of gold, the Yanacocha impact on the environment is reflected in the astronomical quantities  of a mining operation of this type with such a gigantic scale, there were 500,000 tons of sodium cyanide to be used in the leaching process which largely ended in the environment, are more than 600 million m3 of water consumed, there were more than 400,000 tons of explosives based on ammonium nitrate (toxic), there were more than 300 million liters of diesel, thousands and thousands of tons of dust put into the atmosphere by blasting, more than 1350 million tons of rock removed and reduced to powder, more than 1.1 billion tons of tailings that will continue to pollute the water by acid drainage and heavy metals for centuries.
The Conga project.
Located on the borders of three provinces (Cajamarca, Celendin and Bambamarca-Hualgayoc), department of Cajamarca.
Planned investment: about $ 4.8 billion.
Expected production: 700,000 ounces per year with a life of 20 years, if gold is the main reason of the project, it is a polymetallic project with a secondary production of silver, copper and other metals.
Type of mine: like Yanacocha open-pit mining, crushing, heap leaching with sodium cyanide, activated carbon treatment, refining and smelting. The mine has two pits, the Perol pit and the Chalhuagón pit.

Overview of Conga project as planned by Yanacocha
 
THE PROBLEM OF MINING IN BASIN headwaters
One of the main features of the Yanacocha and Conga mines, is the fact of being above the main water reservoir in northern Peru. During the rainy season, numerous regional aquifers are recharged that keeps the flow of many rivers and streams during the year, that allows to sustain agriculture and grazing throughout the year, this water flow maintains also agriculture downstream in Peru, is particularly noticeable in the case of the Pacific coast where water stress is especially severe. Mining in a basin headwaters is a madness and an environmental disaster for at least three reasons, first, the fact of digging pits, destroys aquifers in the area, secondly, mining, especially in case of mega -mining, generally consumes a volume of water greater than the regenerative capacity of the aquifer system, thirdly, mining generates enormous tailings dumps that are a permanent source of pollution by acid drainage and heavy metals that can last centuries, this pollution follows the course of rivers and poisoning the rivers downstream. In the case of Jequetepeque River, pollution linked to the Yanacocha mine has reached the Gallito Ciego reservoir and the Pacific Ocean, causing serious problems with the presence of heavy metals, including arsenic, cadmium and mercury.
Mining and traditional agriculture in the Cajamarca region.
Before Yanacocha, the Cajamarca region was known as the "Peruvian Switzerland" for its bucolic landscapes and beautiful meadows. This is the first region of Peru for milk production. The most famous local specialty is the " "manjar blanco", a kind of caramel, is also a region famous for its cheeses.
 
Products from the Cajamarca region
The department of Cajamarca has an area of 33,320 km2 and a total population of about 1.5 million, Cajamarca is a department located in the sub-equatorial zone (between the 5th and 8th south latitude), consisting of many ecological levels (from 400 to 4000 meters), allowing the production of numerous plant varieties. Western part borders with dry coastal areas and the departments of La Libertad, Lambayeque and Piura, the eastern part borders with the Amazon and the Maranon River valley.

Location of the Cajamarca department
Altitude areas (> 3000 meters) allow the cultivation of tubers and especially potatoes, the lower zones allow the cultivation of coffee, rice, manioc corn, sugarcane, but also crops that gives export opportunities like mangoes, cocoa and avocados.
The main wealth of the department is the large number of aquifers and wetlands that represent a great reserve of fresh water which should allow a prosperous agriculture, on the other hand, this region is the source of major rivers of the north coast of Peru. However, the department is now concessioned to over 40% for mining companies and most of these concessions are especially concentrated in the same high areas where are located the aquifers and natural reservoirs that feed springs and rivers that supply water to throughout the region (basin headwaters).
 


Landscapes of the Cajamarca region, here the lagoons of San Pablo
This is the reason why the food sovereignty of the region and the country is in danger, in fact, open pit mines, if they don't destroy aquifers, consume much of the water available (the production of an ounce of gold consumes an average of 20 m3 of water and Yanacocha produced up to 3 million ounces a year) or contaminated the water by the toxic emissions from leaching and tailings deposits. This contamination makes that the water is no longer fit for human consumption and agriculture; heavy metals decimate herds or, if not kill livestock, contaminate it, since these heavy metals are concentrated in meat or dairy products by so they become unfit for consumption.
Result of mining pollution and the presence of heavy metals, many farmers who formerly exported much of their milk and cheese, lose this opportunity and are forced to stop their activities.
Another important consequence of mining megaprojects is the total destruction of the outer layers of fertile soil (30,000 hectares in the case of Yanacocha) that become open sores, subject to severe erosion mechanisms.
HISTORY OF THE CONGA PROJET CONFLICT
Struggle against the mega Yanacocha – Conga project is the latest episode in a long history of conflicts between a population of farmers and an irresponsible and unscrupulous mining company associated with an accomplice State.
The Conga project is actually the extension of an existing mine, the Yanacocha mine, which is the largest open pit mine in South America. Yanacocha began operations in 1993, at first; the company had four shareholders, Newmont in Denver (USA), the company Buenaventura (Peru), the French BRGM (who discovered the site) and the World Bank. In 1994, after several political and legal disputes, the BRGM was forced to sell its stake to Newmont and Buenaventura and left of capital (link). The mine is located on a plateau with a large number of aquifers, lakes and springs (basin headwaters), the impacts of the activity was quickly felt. Already in 1999, the first complaints about the poisoning of cattle and water pollution (link) were given, however legal actions were closed without consequences for the company.
In 2000, Choropampa scandal broke out when a chartered truck for Yanacocha that carried barrels of metallic mercury (under-product of gold mining) lost 150 kg of highly toxic metallic mercury in the streets of Choropampa village. The company offered to residents pay for the recovery of mercury, without informing them of the terrible toxicity of the product, then, the villagers attempted to recover the mercury with totally inadequate means and without any protection, stored it in their home in unsuitable containers, more than a thousand people were contaminated, dozens were killed, many more remained with extremely serious neurological sequelae. Demanded by the facts, Yanacocha was initially bleached by a court of the State of Colorado because the main shareholder Newmont is based in Denver, but the complaints continued by other means, and the company later played with the division of communities to avoid a good part of the financial compensation.
In 2001, studies by the CEDACAJ, (company that provides potable water and sewerage services for the city of Cajamarca) and other organisms already spoke of contamination by heavy metals (particularly arsenic and cyanide) not only on major rivers in the region, including Jequetepeque river, but also in the waters that feed the city of Cajamarca (200,000 inhabitants) (link).
In 2004, Yanacocha decided to expand its operations in the Quillish mount (just 8 km from the CEDACAJ plant ), the aquifers of the Quillish mount are the main source of water for the city of Cajamarca, is also a sacred place for farming communities in the region. This time the people expressed opposition to the project and mobilized massively, Yanacocha and the government had to retreat ... momentarily (link) . From 2006 to 2011 numerous incidents took place with the populations of farmers by the incessant problems of water pollution and its dramatic impacts for agriculture.

Mobilization for the defense of Quilish mount in 2004
In October 2010, the Peruvian government approved the Environmental Impact  study (EAI) of Conga project  and, in 2011, Yanacocha announced without any consultation, which was to begin operations at its Conga concession (a concession of about 12,000 hectares located in the northeast of the mine in activity) and thus, destroy and / or contaminating other lakes, other sources, other aquifers (link). Farmers in the area knew this was going to be the death of their activity and their way of life, the rejection was massive.
The May 30, 2011, then-candidate Ollanta Humala Tasso in election campaign in Cajamarca, announced that he would not allow the Conga project will take place, but once elected, in September 2011 stated that Conga project should go and It was very important for the Peru , the mobilization in the region of Cajamarca to reject the project was extremely strong, with demonstrations and roadblocks and ended on November 24 with an indefinite general strike, to the point that the Yanacocha own announced a suspension of its operations in Conga day 29, after six days of strike..
The same day 29, a young of Cajamarca, Elmer Campos, was shot by the police, there were more than 20 people wounded by police this day, Elmer can no longer walk and travels in a wheelchair, he has lost a kidney and the use his left arm, also he has never received any help from the State and he lives with the help of family and friends (link). However, the US organization EarthRights International made a lawsuit against Newmont in Denver to deliver information concerning police repression in Peru (link), the March 16, 2015, a ruling by the Federal Court of Colorado orders Newmont to disclose their informations (link).
On November 29 Yanacocha declared a suspension of Conga project, however, what the people wanted, was not only a temporary suspension, but a definitive cancellation of this deadly project and did not stop the strike, the government declared a state of emergency the December 4 for a period of 60 days. But that was not enough to subdue the opponents of the project, the resistance continued and structured. Finally, they got up to 16 thousand people came together to participate in a national march for water, from Cajamarca to Lima (860 km) from 1 to 9 February 2012 (link)
Video: The national march for water - Unity and solidarity of an entire people.
But the Peruvian government did not take into account the point of view of the people and its response was to increase the police repression that culminated in the deaths of five protesters in Celendín and Bambamarca the 3 and July 4, 2012 and a new declaration of state of emergency (link) (link). However, the events of Celendin and Bambamarca and the 5 murders provoked reactions of indignation and protest nationally and internationally and the government and the mining company had to go back and declare the suspension of Conga project (link).

Paulino Eleuterio García Rojas, César Medina Aguilar, José Faustino Silva Sánchez, Joselito Vásquez Jambo, José Antonio Sánchez Huamán, The 5 victims killed by police in Celendin and Bambamarca 3 and July 4, 2012.
Nevertheless, the counter-attack did not wait long, and in 2013 the inspections at the Conga gaps showed that the work has continued in secret. In January 2014, the Peruvian government enacted the law 30151 commonly called "license to kill" (law that exempts from liability police and military personnel that kill or injure people in their interventions) (link) in the same month it began in the medias a smear campaign unprecedented in which opposition to mining projects is presented as a terrorist focus. They did not hesitate to accuse international organizations and NGOs supporting and helping rural communities, to finance terrorism, in addition, the press gave the idea of an international conspiracy to keep Peru in underdevelopment (link).
European organizations incriminated could never respond officially to these slanderous accusations and answered through the alternative press (link).
The beginning of 2014 is particularly difficult for the resistance, the DINOES (special forces of Peruvian police), with more than 600 men blocked the movement of the peasant patrols and ruthlessly suppress any attempt to ascend to the lagoons of Conga, what allowing to Yanacocha continue secretly their preparations for the exploitation (link) (link). The main leaders of the peasant patrols and opponents of the mining project are victims of judicial persecution and various threats, including death threats, to the point that the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the OAS (IACHR), which was attended since 2011, requires precautionary measures for 46 people in May 2014 and gave to the Peruvian government a period of 15 days  to comply with the measures (MC 452/11 2014 record). The response of the Peruvian government will be to do nothing. In June 2014, the Executive Chairman of Minera Yanacocha, Javier Velarde said in an interview, be confident in starting the Conga project in 2015.
In 2014, Yanacocha also decided to expand its operations to the southwest (the granting of Conga is located northeast of the current mine), threatening the lakes of San Pablo (280 idyllic mountain lakes), the mayor of San Pablo filed a lawsuit against Yanacocha and the mining company lost the case at first instance and its appeal was rejected, but we know that company lawyers are still working on the issue (link).

Demonstration for the defense of the San Pablo lagoons
In June 2014, the elected regional president of Cajamarca and one of the main opponents at the Conga project, was arrested and imprisoned (link) in the same period, the government decreed the law 30230 (commonly called "package"), which reduced to light formality the environmental impact studies of projects and limited the social rights of workers, (the government reiterated in May 2015 with the 3941 law). But the peasant patrols were not discouraged and called in August 2014, an international meeting in the village of  El Tambo (Bambamarca province  ) for the protection of water and environment, the Solidarity Committee with Cajamarca of Paris was present at this meeting which ended with two press conferences, on August 7 in the palace of government of Cajamarca and the next day in the Congress in Lima, there was born the idea of organizing a symposium in France, which was held at the Senate in Paris the May 22, 2015.
Despite his imprisonment, Gregorio Santos Guerrero was re-elected as regional president in Cajamarca on October 5, 2014, with a large majority. That was clearly a vote against the Conga project, as he was the unique candidate who opposed this project. Nevertheless, their conditions of detention in a maximum security prison, with a right to receive visit very limited and forced to share a cell with one of the bloodiest murderers in the country, Telmo Hurtado, called the butcher of the Andes, made that he got precautionary measures by the IACHR (link).
 

Gregorio Guerrero Santos arrested on June 25, 2014
The May 20, 2015, the Peruvian government declared it would not implement any of the precautionary measures requested by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), precautionary measures involving opponents of the mining project Conga, decisions issued in 2014 and in 2015 respectively and are available at the following link (records MC MC 452/11 and 530/14).
 
THE STORY OF MAXIMA ACUÑA AND THE CHAUPE FAMILY.
 
Máxima Acuña, the lady in the blue lagoon and the Chaupe family.
In the province of Celendin, in a place called Tragadero Grande, Sorochuco district, about 200 meters from the Blue Lagoon (which will be transformed into dump if the Conga harmful project goes) lives a humble peasant family, the Chaupe family . Maxima Acuña the family's mother was not ready with what was going to happen. The family acquired a 26 hectares land in 1994 and lived quietly until one fateful day in May 2011, employees of Yanacocha with heavy machinery came to their house to open a service road for future mining, they said them that this area was not their land, it belonged to the company Yanacocha. The family was surprised, but made no more case as they had a notarized title property.  Nevertheless, in August 2011, the nightmare really began when a gang consisting of employees of Yanacocha accompanied by DINOES policemen came with the intention to "clear the ground" and violently hit the family, Jhilda the youngest daughter was beaten to head and lost consciousness for more than two hours, his brother was also beaten, the older sister Ysidora recorded the scene, the assailants did not even have a judicial order or something similar. From this moment, the harassment of his family was harsh and permanent (link) (link) ..
The family made a demand for violence but justice closed it. Yanacocha, in turn sued the family for usurpation of land and in October 2012 won. However, the ruling was appealed and in August 2013, the Criminal Court of Cajamarca declared the nullity of the judgment of first instance, as the trial judge would not consider the title of property of the family. The trial resumed in July 2014, the lower court decision was favorable to the mining company and after a new appeal in December 17, 2014 the Criminal Superior Court of Cajamarca acquitted the family Chaupe of allegations of usurpation of land, recognizing de facto their right to remain on their premises. Yanacocha tried to appeal to the Supreme Court, but his appeal was rejected (link) (link).
 

Maxima Acuña with her husband Jaime Chaupe Lozano and her attorney Dr. Mirtha Vasquez
However, the torment of Maxima and his family did not stop after this long legal episode, the company returned to persecution and harassment, destroyed part of their house, stole their animals, spoiled the dog, surrounded their property with wire fences, made new lawsuits to prevent that they could grow crops and threatened to kill them (link).
The last four years of the history of Maxima Acuña and her family have been truly horrific. Nevertheless, the violations were such that it created a solidarity network around the family and Maxima became one of the main icons of the resistance against mega mining. Yanacocha's attitude showed how a mining company could be above the law and could act with full impunity.
 
Among the organizations that helped Maxima and her family, there are Grufides (link) and particularly the attorney Dra Mirtha Vasquez Chuquilin, the LAMMP organizacion (Latin American Mining Monitoring Program), the Latin American Women's Union (ULAM network)(link) and the Latin American Network of Women Defenders of Social and Environmental Rights (link). The peasant patrols mobilized several times to express his support to the family, but the threat is permanent.
 

In France, the Solidarity Committee with Cajamarca of Paris received Maxima and her daughter Ysidora in Paris in May 2014 (link). On August 6, 2014, members of the Committee and the French Senator Laurence Cohen accompanied the peasant patrols at the Conga lakes and visited the Chaupe family (link).

 
French Senator Laurence Cohen visited the Chaupe family the August 6, 2014
Finally, we remember that Maxima and his family are part of the group of 46 people who benefit from the precautionary measures adopted by the IACHR (MC 452/11) that the Peruvian government refuses to comply.
 
SOME REFERENCE DOCUMENTALS
Video: Open pit of Gianni Converso - documentary reference on the Yanacocha mining.company
Video: Choropampa the price of gold. The tragedy that struck the town of Choropampa.
Video: The march of the caxamarcas - 2012 This video shows the actors of the resistance and in particular its most prominent leaders who formed the CUL (Unitary Control Committee), among others Marco Arana, Eddy Benavides Ruiz, Ydelso Hernandez Llamo, Milton Sanchez Cubas, in a march through the region of Cajamarca.
Video: National March for water: Final march on the capital Lima
Video: Latin America as open pit - Clave del Sur documentary on the resistance against mega mining mega in a continental context.
 CONCLUSION
Yanacocha is the archetype of unscrupulous transnational mining and that for a multitude of reasons, among others we can mention, its absolute contempt for human life, its total irresponsibility in social and environmental issues, its systematic use of violence against its opponents, its management of corruption networks, its ability to divide its opponents and the communities, its "special" relationship with political power.
In addition, Yanacocha operates in Peru, a centralized country concerning the economic policy and run by a Lima oligarchy that does not care to people living in the countryside. This Lima oligarchy believes that one country's wealth is its subsoil, therefore, allows concessions to companies for the sole purpose of maximizing the volume of exports and the extractive income. These concesions are allowed without consideration for the people who live there or for the environment, so the country becomes a mere mineral reserve for the international markets.
In case of problems with the local population, successive governments have always resorted to the same method, violent repression. Almost all the socio-environmental conflicts are resolved with violence and end up costing lives. To encourage its extractive policy, the Peruvian government has set up a complete legal arsenal that includes laws such as the Law 30151 which exempts from criminal responsibility to the forces of repression or the laws 30230 and 3941 that eliminate all barriers that could curb extractive investment.
However, the Peruvian government is violating all international conventions relating to human rights, the rights of native peoples, the universal right to water and sanitation. In addition, the government is seriously endangering the food sovereignty of the country.
After thirty years of formal or informal mining and especially of large-scale mining, Peruvians have been aware of the catastrophic impacts of this activity, the dramatic consequences for health and nature. Today, the mining mega-projects are not synonyms of development, despite the propaganda hammered by big media. The population realizes the millions of dollars earned by mining companies, contrasting increasingly with almost absolute poverty that prevails in the areas where those mining companies operate.
The government and companies try to divide communities that resist, sometimes they succeed. However, the rejection of the mining sector and, more generally, the rejection of the predatory extractivism increases as a result of the terrible ravages it produces. When conflict broke out with the Tia Maria project in Arequipa, people of Cajamarca supported the struggle of their counterparts in Arequipa. Resistance against predatory extractivism are not longer localized, communities in resistance begin to have contact between them. From local, the struggle is becoming national and international.
 
¡CONGA NO VA!
 
 
 

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